This goes back some time. However, the Ministry of Transport, led by Óscar Puente, has only focused on the meager aspects, as it is easier to reference a 15,000 euro contract with Qrear or a contract with a temporary employment agency rather than directly address the conflicts of interest between employers and organizations sitting on the board of the Port of Las Palmas and the Fundación Puertos de Las Palmas.
The worst part is the image generated for the Spanish Navy, which finds itself entangled in a situation it is unaware of due to the good faith of the intermediaries at the Port of Las Palmas, who are pretending to own something when they are merely representatives of foreign firms that, in addition, engage in colonizing the islands and disrupting competition. For this news, no prior or subsequent communication has been established with the mentioned parties, nor has any advertising been negotiated.
The report from Puertos del Estado is quite incomplete but provides a clue: Fedeport pays but receives services from the entity itself. The fine print in the latest financial report for 2025 on the Fundación Puerto de Las Palmas does not call for a serious autopsy of European projects and the conflicts of interest with employer circuits where the public entity was at the forefront, allowing employers from León y Castillo Street in Las Palmas to comfortably benefit while the public sector assumed the financial and reputational risks. Until the audits of the European MAC projects are completed, the closure of the Fundación Puerto de Las Palmas cannot be executed, and it would be at least by 2028.
Now comes the nougat
The shipping holding of the Greek Laskaridis family has found itself at the epicenter of the political and financial storm shaking the Canary docks. Recent reports from the State Intervention of the Ministry of Finance, discussed in the board of directors of the Port Authority of Las Palmas (where Fedeport sits with a director from Boluda), have uncovered a situation that had gone unnoticed by public regulators: the Canary Federation of Port Companies (Fedeport), the employers’ association de facto controlled by the giant naval repair company Astilleros Canarios (Astican), currently operates as an ‘institutional occupier’ within the building that serves as the headquarters for the public Foundation of which it is a trustee.
The organizational scheme reveals a circle of overlapping interests where the boundaries between private money and public resources have become blurred. Astican is listed as one of the major financial backers of the Fundación Puertos de Las Palmas through a fixed annual fee of 30,000 euros, an effort that it shares with other industry giants such as Boluda Corporación Marítima and Trancoma (Hamilton & Cía).
What a face
However, the associative aspect of this framework, channeled through Fedeport, contributes a meager amount of less than 5,000 euros a year to the entity’s budgets, an amount identical to that paid by the Port Employment Center and the newly incorporated employer Oneport, formerly Fecol.
In return for this modest contribution, the employers’ association linked to the Greek group and to Boluda has managed to settle for free in the foundational property, simultaneously acting as donor, board member, and direct beneficiary of public offices and infrastructures without paying rent, as no relationship appears in the income data related to any agreement.
While the block of private corporations headed by the Laskaridis family manages day-to-day operations and usufructs the facilities of the entity, the public administration has opted for absolute passivity. The Port Authority of Las Palmas and the so-called native trustees — which include the capital city council, the university, and the Naval Command — maintain their financial contributions at zero, delegating the entity’s viability to the cash flow of the business sector. This lack of public income and the rigidities of its structure have plunged the Foundation into a chronic financial collapse, consolidating net losses of 128,115.91 euros in the 2025 fiscal year, exacerbating the 138,660.30 euros in red ink recorded during the previous year.
